Posts Tagged 'Egypt'

Tahrir Square, Egypt. Statement from the Revolutionary Socialists.

Nearly a year into our glorious revolution, the regime of oppression and corruption led by the SCAF has not ceased to impose itself by force, attempting to erase traces of the revolution and to prevent the impoverished, toiling masses from reaping the fruits of their great struggle.

The regime of repression that is protected by the military had imagined that the revolution was buried and ended, and that the people that rose up last January and destroyed the massive machines of oppression would today submit in the face of tear gas canisters, cartridges and live ammunition. The multitude now facing death in the name of rescuing the revolution, in confronting remnants of the criminal regime shall triumph as they have triumphed before. And the tools of oppression that were smashed on 28th January will be destroyed anew at the will of the revolutionaries.

The regime has proven beyond a doubt that it is but a deformed continuation of Mubarak’s obsolete rule. Our reclamation of those companies stolen by privatization under Mubarak’s rule is being resisted by the regime today. Those privileges endowed by Mubarak on the elite class of investors continue to be protected by the military regime. The minimum wage that workers called for in the name of a dignified life is being circumvented by Mubarak’s loyalists. The cold-blooded murder of revolutionaries at the hands of Mubarak’s butchers continues with patent debauchery at the hands of the military rulers.

Workers stepped forward last February to rescue the revolution, as labour strikes spread to all corners of Egypt to support the uprising, setting Cairo, Mahalla, Suez and Alexandria ablaze; workers in all of Egypt’s governorates and its factories and institutions both public and private committed to the struggle. The dictator was forced to step down when workers’ strikes paralyzed the joints of the regime and threatened its collapse – the regime chose to rescue itself by sacrificing its head.

Today the revolution will not be cheated once again and will not be pacified with sedatives. The working class that delivered the revolution to victory in February will not be late to rescue the heroes of the revolution that today hold their ground steadfastly in the face of the regime of corruption and repression. The companies occupied in January workers will return to occupy soon again and the workers that made their way to the squares of Tahrir, elShoun and el Arba’in will go there once more; the working class will reawaken with their heroic struggle to erase – at the side of the revolutionaries – the remnants of Mubarak’s regime and build a revolutionary path on the basis of justice and freedom.

The Revolutionary Socialists
21 November 2011

Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists’ statement on the crisis in Egypt.

Down with military rule, down with Mubarak’s rule!

Revolutionaries have returned to Tahrir Square. Once again it is filled with young people who are impatient to bring the people who killed revolutionaries in January to justice, and to see freedom and social justice realised. The military courts have stolen years upon years of their lives. They have lost their eyes to sniper fire on the orders of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and their henchmen in the Ministry of the Interior. They have been slandered by the subservient media, which has moved overnight from one master to a new one.

Social tensions have increased and the state’s response has been to mobilise thugs and military trials again protesters and strikers. The state dashed the hopes of people who hoped to see privatised companies return to the public sector, by appealing the court decision. Likewise it appealed against the decision to exclude remnants of the old ruling party from the elections, thereby confirming its allegiance to the Hosni Mubarak regime.

The dreams of these young people have virtually all evaporated, taken from them in police stations and prisons under torture. And still the list of martyrs goes on: two in Alexandria, one in Cairo and one in Suez.

Their battle is not about whether to have elections or a constitution first. Their battle is not about the second article of the constitution. Nor is it over seats in parliament. The battalions of the revolution stationed in Tahrir Square, in Alexandria, in Suez and in eight other governorates of Egypt are not sections of the elite, locked in battle over a document in order to re-divide their share of power or wealth. The spark which set this movement ablaze was kindled by the poor and the revolutionaries of Egypt, serious in their determination to bring down the system and insisting on their right to enjoy freedom and a dignified life.

For all the reasons above, the revolutionaries of Egypt deserve more than a timetable negotiated behind the scenes by the political forces in order to map out a government.

  • The revolutionaries of Egypt did not entrust the revolution to the Military Council and did not agree to deliver it into the hands of the generals
  • The revolutionaries of Egypt did not mandate the Military Council to rule Egypt, rather it was Mubarak who did this.
  • The revolutionaries of Egypt did not agree to the extension of the Emergency Laws by Mubarak in 2009

The referendum in favour of the amendments to the Constitution which was drafted in the absence of Egypt’s toilers has not been respected by the generals, even though they chose its authors and managed the entire process. You could say that today we are now, in effect, ruled by the constitution of 1971, since the powers of the President of the Republic have been exchanged for the powers of the Military Council, without anyone having had to call a single referendum.

It is a broken system which rules by announcing a broken constitution, elaborated in pointless documents behind closed doors by figures who have not been elected by the people and who represent no-one. A repressive regime which rules by military courts, and iron and fire, and by crushing people under the tracks of its armoured cars.

The people won a victory on 11 February 2011 by forcing Mubarak to vacate his seat at the top table. They did not do this to replace him with new military Mubaraks, but to replace him with a completely new regime.

Our revolution is not complete! From the first moment, the junta has not ceased in its efforts to bend the people to its will. In defence of its own interests it has sought to turn things back to how they were before 25 January. At first this lying language was friendly to the revolutionaries, as a prelude to an increasingly brutal policy of repression, the more that public awareness increased of an alliance between the military and civilian authorities and the capitalist class, united in their effort to steal the revolution and its dreams.

We thought that the massacre at Maspero [the attack on Copts, 9 October] was the most that this brutal alliance was capable of, but the violence which it has mobilised against the revolutionaries since “The Friday of Handing Over Power”, on 18 November until the moment this statement was written, proves that this brutal repressive power knows no limits. They have dragged people in the streets, and killed them, and dragged their bodies and piled them on top of each other.

We, the Revolutionary Socialists, stationed in Tahrir Square since the first day, call on the brave masses of the revolutionaries in the streets and squares of Egypt today, to apply the lessons of the 25 January Revolution and to unite all the forces in our ‘Liberated Squares’ in a single front, which alone has the right to speak for the revolution.

We will put you on trial, killers of the revolutionaries, whether it takes a long time or a short one, as our victory, and the victory of the revolution is inevitable.

Glory to the martyrs

Victory to the revolution

Power and wealth to the people

The Revolutionary Socialists,
20 November 2011

Alaa Al Aswany: ‘Revolution: Like being in love’.

For the best-selling author and star of a new generation of Egyptian novelists, there is much in common between a revolution and being in love.

“When someone is in real love he becomes a better person,” says Alaa Al Aswany, the celebrated author of The Yacoubian Building and Chicago. “A revolution is like that.” Everyone who takes part knows what kind of person he was before the protests started, “and now he is going to feel different. We have dignity. We are not scared any more.”

Aswany has participated in the protests with a passion. He will write a book about the events still unfolding here: “It has been a unique experience not to read about history but to live inside history,” he told The Independent yesterday.

The 53-year-old author is an acute observer of what he and many millions of other Egyptians now fervently hope will be the final days of the autocrat who has ruled them for the past 30 years. The atmosphere reminds him of that surrounding the fictional Caribbean dictator conjured in Gabriel García Márques’s novel The Autumn of the Patriarch.

First, he says, there is the phase of “total denial”. Second, the preposterous accusations that those protesting are being “used and manipulated [by those] who hate our country”. Third, the “new game” of doing anything to stay in power. And only after all that, to run away.

The writer, a long-time critic of Mubarak’s regime, senses something “medieval” about the concentration of presidential power. He also rails against what he sees as government propaganda. Aswany says he has seen a leaked Ministry of Interior document containing “a very clear instruction that Egyptian TV should interview women, saying how afraid they are and… calling on Mubarak to save them [from the criminals]”.

Like many fellow Egyptians, Aswany is at pains to play down fears that the protests might usher in rule by the the Muslim Brotherhood. The fears have been cooked up to create the misconception that “either you accept Mubarak or you need to get prepared for another Hamas or Taliban in power”, says Aswany. “This revolution has nothing to do with the Muslim Brotherhood.”

A comparison the former dentist prefers is to Spain returning to freedom after the Franco years, and a return to Egypt’s 19th-century standing as a bastion of liberalism and democracy.

He also rejects another Western and Israeli “stereotype” that a new Egypt would cancel the three-decade-old Camp David accord with Israel. He is puzzled that Israeli officials cannot “see that making a peace treaty with a responsible democracy is much better than making a peace treaty with a corrupt dictatorship. If you respect the Egyptian people and their choice they are going to keep the peace process on a very steady and strong course.”

Aswany is contemptuous of the new Vice-President Omar Suleiman’s planned consultations with opposition political parties, adding that “the opposition is the street, not in the political parties”. The movement will throw up its own, predominately young, leadership, and if it needs older figures to advise it, they should be ones to choose.

He is not talking about Mohamed ElBaradei, whom he says many young Egyptians respect for his integrity, while emphasising that this is not “ElBaradei’s revolution”.

And a role for him in the new Egypt, Minister of Culture perhaps? “It is much better to be a good novelist,” he says.

 

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/profiles/alaa-al-aswany-like-being-in-love-literary-reflections-on-the-revolution-2201506.html

Nawal El Saadawi: Egypt’s radical feminist

‘I am becoming more radical with age,” says Nawal El Saadawi, laughing. “I have noticed that writers, when they are old, become milder. But for me it is the opposite. Age makes me more angry.”

This is a startling admission. It is hard to imagine how El Saadawi – the Egyptian writer, activist and one of the leading feminists of her generation – could become more radical. Wearing an open denim shirt, with her hair pulled into two plaits, she looks like the rebel she has always been. It is only the pure white hair, and the lines that spread across her face as she smiles, that give away the fact that she is 79. She has, she tells me, “decided not to die young but to live as much as I can”.

El Saadawi already seems to have lived more lives than most. She trained as a doctor, then worked as a psychiatrist and university lecturer, and has published almost 50 novels, plays and collections of short stories. Her work, which tackles the problems women face in Egypt and across the world, has always attracted outrage, but she never seems to have balked at this; she has continued to address controversial issues such as prostitution, domestic violence and religious fundamentalism in her writing.

This has come at considerable cost. In 1972, her non-fiction book Women and Sex (which included criticism of female genital mutilation) led to her losing her job as director general of public health for the Egyptian ministry of health. In 1981, her outspoken political views led to her being charged with crimes against the state and jailed for three months – she used the time to write Memoirs From The Women’s Prison on a roll of toilet paper, with an eyebrow pencil smuggled in by a fellow prisoner. In 1993 she fled to the US after death threats were issued against her by religious groups.

Her work continues to be explosive. Her play, God Resigns in the Summit Meeting – in which God is questioned by Jewish, Muslim and Christian prophets and finally quits – proved so controversial that, she says, her Arabic publishers destroyed it under police duress. And recently her criticism of religion, primarily on the basis that it oppresses women, has prompted a flurry of court cases, including unsuccessful legal attempts both to strip her of her nationality and to forcibly dissolve her marriage.

As El Saadawi prepares to talk about her life at a PEN literary festival on Friday, she is unrepentant. “It’s all worth it,” she assures me. “If I went back I would do it all again. That is what I have learned from my experiences, that I was on the right track.” Her energy, she insists, comes from the 10 to 15 letters she receives every day from people who say their lives have been changed by her writing. “A young man came to me in Cairo with his new bride. He said, I want to introduce my wife to you and thank you. Your books have made me a better man. Because of them I wanted to marry not a slave, but a free woman.”

El Saadawi is “a novelist first, a novelist second, a novelist third”, she says, but it is feminism that unites her work. “For me feminism includes everything,” she says. “It is social justice, political justice, sexual justice . . . It is the link between medicine, literature, politics, economics, psychology and history. Feminism is all that. You cannot understand the oppression of women without this.”

She says she has been a feminist “since I was a child. I was swimming against the tide all my life.” Her eight brothers and sisters “were totally different. Some of my sisters are now veiled and they think I am very, very radical. They love me, and we see each other, but we don’t visit much.”

In her first autobiography, A Daughter of Isis, she recalls her outrage when she began to realise daughters were not considered equal to sons. When her grandmother told her, “a boy is worth 15 girls at least . . . Girls are a blight,” she stamped her foot in fury.

In that same book she writes about the horror of female circumcision. “When I was six, the daya (midwife) came along holding a razor, pulled out my clitoris from between my thighs and cut it off. She said it was the will of God and she had done his will . . . I lay in a pool of blood. After a few days the bleeding stopped . . . But the pain was there like an abscess deep in my flesh . . . I did not know what other parts in my body there were that might need to be cut off in the same way.” Later, while working as a doctor, she saw for herself the terrible physical damage female genital mutilation could cause; she campaigned for 50 years, she says, for it to be banned in Egypt. A ban was finally instituted in 2008, but she says the practice “still happens – it is even increasing. Some religious leaders talk against it, but others are for it.”

Circumcision wasn’t the only horror El Saadawi faced as a child. Brought up in a middle-class Egyptian household, she was expected to become a child bride, but refused; she blackened her teeth and dropped coffee over one would-be suitor who came to call. “When I was a child it was normal that girls in my village would marry at 10 or 11,” she says. “Now, of course, the government is standing against that because it is unhealthy. And it happens much less. But we are having a relapse again, because of poverty and religious fundamentalism.”

El Saadawi’s desire to study was so great that her parents were eventually convinced she would benefit from university. She believes that her radical views were formed, at least in part, by training as a doctor. “When I dissected the body it opened my eyes,” she says. “Also, I think I have the gene of my grandmother who was a rebel. My sisters and brothers took another gene.”

At medical school she fell in love with a fellow student, Ahmed Helmi, who was engaged in the fight against the British occupation of the Suez. They married and had a daughter – but divorced when he came back from the fighting embittered and turned to drugs. She later married a lawyer, who “said to me you have to choose between me and your writing. I said my writing.” In her second volume of autobiography, Walking Through Fire, she describes how he refused to grant her a divorce, announcing that, “It is the man who decides to divorce and not the woman”; in desperation, she threatened him with her scalpel. For the last 45 years she has been married to the novelist, doctor, and former long-term political prisoner, Sherif Hetata, with whom she had her second child, a son.

El Saadawi’s daughter, Mona Helmi, has followed in her footsteps, becoming a writer and poet. In 2007, Mona became the target of controversy when “she wrote a beautiful article on Mother’s Day,” says El Saadawi. “She asked, ‘What present can I give to my mother – shall I give her shoes? A dress? The gift I will give is to carry her name.'” The article was signed Mona Nawal Helmi. “They took her to court – they said it was heresy because in the Qur’an women should take the name of the father not the mother.”

Although Mona won the case, El Sadaawi says that this, and another court case in 2002 – brought by a lawyer who sought to have El Sadaawi forcibly divorced on the basis of apostasy (abandonment of religion) – has left her bruised. “I feel I am betrayed by my country. I should be awarded the highest prize in Egypt for what I have done regarding injustices against women and children, and for my creative work.” But she says her writing has given her an alternative sense of identity. “Home to me is the world because my books have been translated into more than 30 languages. People feel they know me and the minute they talk about my life or books I feel at home. Home is where you are appreciated, safe and protected, creative, and where you are loved – not where you are put in prison.”

She still refuses to tone down her work. “I am very critical of all religions,” she says. “We, as women, are oppressed by all these religions.” It is religious extremism, she believes, that is the biggest threat to women’s liberation today. “There is a backlash against feminism all over the world today because of the revival of religions,” she says. “We have had a global and religious fundamentalist movement.” She fears that the rise of religion is holding back progress regarding issues such as female circumcision, especially in Egypt.

In a bid to address this, she has helped to found the Egyptian chapter of the Global Solidarity for Secular society. She believes religion should be a personal matter, and approves of France’s ban on all religious symbols, including the hijab. “Education should be totally secular. I am not telling people not to believe in God, but it should be a personal matter which should be done at home.”

Despite the fact that her sisters wear the veil, she refuses to accept it as a free choice. “What do we mean by choice? It is pressure, but it is hidden pressure – she is not aware of it. I was exposed to different pressures from my sisters. We are all the products of our economic, social and political life and our education. Young people today are living in the era of the fundamentalist groups.”

El Saadawi says that she is dismayed by the relaxed attitude of young women who do not realise what previous generations of feminists have fought for. “Young people are afraid of the price of being free. I tell them, don’t be, it is better than being oppressed, than being a slave. It’s all worth it. I am free.”

And, she adds, there are more battles for her on the horizon. “A new university opened in Egypt and I was asked to teach, but the top people said no. They are afraid. So that is the next thing. I will work towards teaching in Egypt.” A fighter to the last.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2010/apr/15/nawal-el-saadawi-egyptian-feminist


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