Posts Tagged 'TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS'
Wirikuta fest.
Published May 26, 2012 ACTION Leave a CommentTags: Canada, Canadian mining, canadian mining company, Cerro Quemado, comunidades indígenas, Conflicto Minero, Consejo Regional Wixárika para la Defensa de Wirikuta, Derechos Humanos, Estado mexicano, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, First Majestic Silver, gobierno mexicano, Human Rights, Indígenas, México, Minera Real Bonanza, Minera San Xavier, mineras canadienses, MINERÍA A CIELO ABIERTO, minería, Mining companies, PUEBLO, Pueblo Wixárika, pueblos indígenas, pueblos indígenas de México, RESISTENCIA, resistencia indígena, Revolution Resources, San Luis Potosi, sierra de Catorce, TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS, transnational corporations, Wirikuta, Wirikuta Fest, Wixárika
México. Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos: Sobre el asesinato de Bernardo Vásquez.
Published March 19, 2012 DENUNCIA Leave a CommentTags: América Latina, Autonomía, Autonomía indígena, Bernardo Vázquez Sánchez, Canada, Canadian mining, Conflicto Minero, Coordinadora de Pueblos Unidos del Valle de Ocotlán, COPUVO, Derechos Humanos, Fortuna Silver Mine, Frente Amplio Opositor a la Minera San Xavier, Gabino Cué, gold mining, Human Rights, Indigenous communities, Indigenous culture, México, minera canadiense, minería, Oaxaca, PUEBLO, Resistance, RESISTENCIA, resistencia indígena, Silver mining, TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS, Transnational mining companies, Valle de Ocotlán
PRONUNCIAMIENTO ANTE EL ASESINATO DE BERNARDO VÁSQUEZ SÁNCHEZ OPOSITOR AL PROYECTO MINERO DE SAN JOSÉ DEL PROGRESO, OAXACA.
México, D.F. a 16 de marzo de 2012.
A los pueblos de México y el mundo,
A los medios de comunicación,
A las autoridades del Estado de Oaxaca de Juárez,
Al Ejecutivo Federal,
A Bernardo Vázquez Sánchez hace rato que los sicarios de la minera canadiense Fortuna Silver Mines lo andaban buscando para matarlo. ¿Cuántos asesinatos más van a perpetrar para continuar extrayendo el oro de la región e intoxicando mortalmente las aguas del Valle de Ocotlán?
El día de ayer jueves 15 de marzo de 2012 alrededor de las 20:20 hrs, fueron emboscados y atacados a quemarropa con armas de fuego de 9mm los compañeros Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez, quien resultó asesinado después de recibir dos balazos en el pecho, así como su hermano Andrés Vásquez Sánchez quien fue herido de bala en un brazo y la compañera Rosalinda Dionicio, quien también fue herida con dos impactos de bala en la pierna y el hombro; todos ellos miembros de la Coordinadora de Pueblos Unidos del Valle de Ocotlán (COPUVO), cuando se dirigían a bordo de un automóvil hacia su comunidad fueron interceptados en el crucero de Santa Lucía Ocotlán.
Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez, ultimado en los lamentables hechos de esta noche, era uno de los dirigentes de la Coordinadora de Pueblos Unidos del Valle de Ocotlán, quienes desde 2008 han rechazado al proyecto minero comandado por la empresa minera Cuzcatlán filial de la empresa canadiense Fortuna Silver Mines. Dicho proyecto minero se lleva a cabo en flagrante violación de lo establecido en el Convenio 169 de la OIT, que estipula la consulta previa, libre e informada para la realización de proyectos en territorios indígenas.
Antecedentes
En repetidas ocasiones los miembros de la COPUVO denunciaron que la empresa minera estaba financiando a grupos armados en la comunidad con el aval del presidente municipal de San José del Progreso (Alberto Mauro Sánchez). Las autoridades estatales hicieron caso omiso a dichas denuncias, al grado de afirmar que el grupo inconforme solamente buscaba desestabilizar a la comunidad, cuando era todo lo contrario.
Esta terrible agresión es la segunda en lo que va de este año en contra los defensores ambientales de la comunidad de San José del Progreso, Ocotlán. El pasado 18 de enero de 2012 el presidente municipal –ahora prófugo de la justicia- Alberto Mauro Sánchez, acompañado de su hermano, Carlos Sánchez Muñoz y el regidor Gabriel Pérez Ruiz, frente a la policía de este municipio agredieron impunemente, con armas de alto poder y uso exclusivo del ejército (R-15), a pobladores de esa comunidad que en ese momento solicitaban información en torno al intento de la empresa minera Cuzcatlán de pasar una tubería destinada a transportar agua de un pozo profundo, ocasionando la muerte del ciudadano Bernardo Méndez Vásquez, (que en eso entonces los sicarios confundieron con el ahora finado Bernardo Vázquez) así como a Abigaíl Vásquez Sánchez, hermana de Bernardo Vázquez Sánchez.
A lo anterior habría que recordar que el presidente municipal de esta comunidad cuenta con una denuncia ante la PGR por la portación y uso de este tipo de armas de alto poder, en otros conflictos violentos previamente ocurridos en esta comunidad, lo que valdría para que dicho personaje fuese cesado de sus funciones y detenido en una cárcel de alta seguridad.
Después de la agresión de enero las autoridades municipales se dieron a la fuga, razón por la cual las autoridades del Gobierno del Estado de Oaxaca se vieron obligadas a tomar las instalaciones de la presidencia municipal de San José del Progreso. No obstante, el grupo de autoridades criminales regresaron recientemente a la comunidad para con todo cinismo seguir atendiendo como “autoridades municipales” en una casa particular ubicada Av. Carranza No 1 esquina con Reforma, dentro de esta comunidad, sin que las autoridades del estado procedieran a detener a este grupo de asesinos al servicio de la empresa minera canadiense. De ahí que los miembros de la comunidad con plena razón atribuyan este nuevo crimen el edil Mauro Alberto Sánchez y demás integrantes del Cabildo de San José el Progreso, así como a Aarón Pérez y Servando Díaz, sin excluir de la responsabilidad principal al propio Gobierno del Estado de Oaxaca precedido por Gabino Cué, que ha permitido que las cosas lleguen hasta este punto.
Bernardo sabía perfectamente que lo estaban literalmente cazando. Aun así no se dejó intimidar en ningún momento y se mantuvo valientemente peleando, junto con sus compañeros de San José, por la defensa de las tierras, aguas y condiciones generales de vida de su comunidad. El pueblo de San José se encuentra actualmente al borde de un estallido social que podría resultar mucho más costoso. Lo cual ya debe estar bien calculado por esta empresa minera, especializada y capacitada en Perú en la implementación de este tipo de ingeniería y el maquillado de este tipo de conflictos supuestamente presentados como comunitarios.
¿Cuántos muertos más tendremos que esperar para que el gobierno federal termine con su criminal y devastadora política de promoción de la mega minería tóxica canadiense?
Ante estos hechos denunciamos:
· Nuestra exigencia a las autoridades estatales y federales la justicia y castigo a los responsables de la muerte de Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez, asesinado el día 15 de marzo del 2012.
· Nuestra exigencia a las autoridades estatales y federales la justicia y castigo a los responsables de la muerte de Bernardo Méndez Vásquez, asesinado el día 18 de enero del 2012 a casi dos meses de su muerte.
· Protección inmediata a la familia Vásquez Sánchez, quien ha perdido a un hijo y dos más han sido heridos de bala, así como a todos los luchadores sociales de la comunidad.
· Responsabilizamos al presidente municipal de San José del Progreso, Alberto Mauro Sánchez y a la empresa minera Cuzcatlán-Fortuna Silver Mines por los cobardes asesinatos de Bernardo Méndez Vásquez y Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez.
· Responsabilizamos al titular del Gobierno de Estado de Oaxaca, Gabino Cué, por la opacidad e indolencia con la que ha actuado ante el conflicto social de San José del Progreso, traicionando su mandato de velar por los intereses populares y no por los de empresas extranjeras.
· Nuestra exigencia al Gobierno Federal la salida inmediata de la empresa asesina canadiense Fortuna Silver Mines del territorio nacional, que desde su llegada es la causante de los actos violentos en la comunidad de San José del Progreso, que ya ha cobrado dos muertos y al menos tres heridos.
Atentamente,
Asamblea Nacional de Afectados Ambientales.
Minería en México: entre el despojo capitalista y la resistencia popular.
Published March 16, 2012 OPINIÓN - 意見 - OPINION - 观点 - МНЕНИЕ - ΓΝΩΜΗ - MEINUNG - ADVIES Leave a CommentTags: Bernardo Méndez, Bernardo Vásquez, Caballo Blanco, Canada, Cerro de San Pedro, Chiapas, Chicomuselo, Conflicto Minero, Derechos Humanos, Germán Larrea Mota Velasco, industria minera, México, minera canadiense, Minera San Xavier, mineras canadienses, minería, New Gold-Minera San Xavier, Oaxaca, Pasta de Conchos, PUEBLO, Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería, RESISTENCIA, San José del Progreso, San Luis Potosi, TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS, Veracruz
Hace 11 años, en el municipio de Cerro de San Pedro, San Luis Potosí, comenzó la resistencia popular contra el despojo a la nación y los mexicanos por la gran industria minera. En 2001 los opositores a la minería a cielo abierto comenzaron la resistencia con un festival cultural y unas mesas de análisis sobre los problemas que la presencia de la minera New Gold-Minera San Xavier generaba entre ellos. Tal vez los organizadores de la resistencia ni lo imaginaron, pero al paso del tiempo terminaron convirtiéndose en uno de los referentes imprescindibles de la oposición a la actividad minera a gran escala, por los efectos tan negativos que deja entre la población de los alrededores donde se establece. Ahora, con la legitimidad que les da una década de lucha, se preparan para la realización del undécimo festival de la resistencia contra la actividad minera a gran escala, el cual está programado para realizarse el próximo sábado 17 del presente mes y al cual, además de comunidades de la región, esperan asistan opositores de otras latitudes del país.
Once años después de las primeras resistencias las condiciones son diferentes. En principio ya los efectos de la minería se dejan ver con más claridad. Uno de ellos es que los dueños de las minas se vuelven ricos a costa de la vida de los trabajadores. El ejemplo más claro es que Germán Larrea Mota Velasco, el principal accionista del consorcio minero Grupo México –el dueño de la mina Pasta de Conchos, colapsada por una explosión en febrero de 2006–, ocupa el cuarto lugar entre los multimillonarios mexicanos, y el 48 en el mundo, con una fortuna de 14 mil 200 millones de dólares. Esa es la cara bonita, la de los resultados alegres de la minería; la otra enseña los muertos por oponerse a esta actividad –Óscar Loredo, en Cerro de San Pedro, San Luis Potosí; Mariano Abarca Roblero, en Chicomuselo, Chiapas, y Bernardo Méndez, en San José del Progreso, Oaxaca, son casos emblemáticos–. Pero también están las muertes por enfermedades, la contaminación de las tierras y aguas, privándolos de los medios de subsistencia, devastación ambiental, afectación de la salud de las personas y la destrucción del entorno cultural.
No son los únicos que resisten, naturalmente. Por muchos puntos del territorio nacional la lucha antiminera crece y se fortalece. Son importantes las luchas de Chicomuselo, Chiapas; la de los opositores a la mina Caballo Blanco, en Veracruz; la de San José del Progreso y Capulalpan, en Oaxaca; la que se desarrolla en la región Costa-Montaña, en Guerrero; la de los huicholes en Jalisco, y varios municipios de Chihuahua, Sonora y Baja California, en el norte del país. Son la luchas antimineras más visibles, las que han trascendido el espacio local y sus voces inconformes son escuchadas mas allá de su localidad; la mayoría de ellas inclusive participan en la Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería (Rema) y la Asamblea Nacional de Afectados Ambientales. Pero hay más, aunque no se vean. En el mismo estado de San Luis Potosí y su vecino Zacatecas existentes resistencias que no por pequeñas dejan de ser importantes. Hacia allá también se tienden caminos en este undécimo festival de la resistencia minera, para que su experiencia transcienda y abone a la lucha.
Entre los objetivos que los organizadores del encuentro se han fijado está propiciar la coordinación de los diversos movimientos que se oponen a los efectos nocivos de la gran minería, que es al mismo tiempo una lucha en defensa de la vida y el ambiente; también buscan que entre todos los asistentes se genere un diálogo en torno a las posibilidades de establecer lazos de apoyo y unidad entre todos aquellos que se oponen a la gran minería tóxica, para compartir conocimientos, recursos y experiencias que permitan que sus esfuerzos arrojen mejores resultados. Se trata de miras de alto vuelo, porque piensan que ya está más o menos claro el objetivo por el que se debe combatir, pero falta saber cómo se hará, no porque no haya ideas de cómo hacerlo, sino porque abundan, pues aunque los movimientos de resistencia comparten sus objetivos comunes, cada uno tiene sus propias dinámicas, de acuerdo con su tamaño, los recursos con que cuenta para moverse y las relaciones que logra establecer con diversos actores, entre otros factores. Ahí radica la importancia de este undécimo festival de la resistencia a la minería que el 17 de marzo se realizará en el Cerro de San Pedro. De ahí pueden surgir las ideas que permitan dar el gran salto hacia adelante en la lucha por la vida.
Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos-México. Audiencia Ambiental. Boletín de Prensa.
Published March 1, 2012 ACTION Leave a CommentTags: América Latina, Caballo Blanco, Canada, Canadian mining, canadian mining company, Conflicto Minero, Derechos Humanos, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, gold mining, GoldGroup, Human Rights, México, minera canadiense, minería, Mining companies, PUEBLO, RESISTENCIA, TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS, Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos, Veracruz
Boletín de Prensa.
1.- Nos congratulamos de la decisión que el Ejecutivo del Estado de Veracruz ha tomado en torno al proyecto minero Caballo Blanco para no avalar su operación en el estado y que haya respetado plenamente esta demanda ciudadana atendiendo a su mandato constitucional.
2.- Era de esperarse que en un marco de legalidad y congruencia, el Gobernador respetara los derechos a un ambiente sano, a la salud y al territorio en beneficio de todos los veracruzanos y que además, privilegiara la vocación real de la tierra veracruzana que es la producción y no, la extracción de minerales a través de una industria minera tóxica.
3.- En ese sentido, la sociedad civil reconoce que a partir de este momento, el Gobierno del Estado, con esta decisión histórica, marca la pauta para que las políticas públicas estatales, en un marco de sustentabilidad, se encaminen a recuperar esta vocación agropecuaria y turística de Veracruz con lo cual se seguirá contribuyendo a la economía nacional, a asegurar la soberanía alimentaria en nuestro estado y en el país, y a contrarrestar los efectos del crisis climática a nivel mundial.
4.- Nos queda claro también que el Gobierno del Estado de Veracruz, esta actuando con pleno respeto a los convenios internacionales que nuestro país ha suscrito en materia de seguridad nuclear pues esta industria de alto riesgo que pretende asentarse a 3kms de la nucleoeléctrica de Laguna Verde compromete la seguridad, la vida y el futuro de los mexicanos.
5.- A la fecha ya se han pronunciado en contra del proyecto minero Caballo Blanco diversos actores sociales nacionales e internacionales pertenecientes a los sectores académico, científico y social, así como actores políticos a través del Senado, la Cámara de Diputados, el Congreso estatal y ahora el Gobierno Estatal, por lo cual hacemos un llamado al titular del Ejecutivo Federal a través del C. Felipe Calderón Hinojosa para que respete la soberanía estatal y atienda también a su mandato constitucional por el cual debe ceñirse a atender esta exigencia del pueblo mexicano; desde ahora lo hacemos responsable de cualquier acción que tenga que ver con la imposición de este proyecto minero Caballo Blanco de la canadiense GoldGroup en nuestro estado, inclusive del uso de las fuerzas armadas a su cargo con tal de imponerlo.
6.- Así que puntualmente exigimos a la SEMARNAT que actué en congruencia con la exigencia de la sociedad civil, de la academia, de la ciencia, de los actores políticos y ahora del ejercicio soberano del Gobierno del Estado para proteger a nuestro territorio estatal y DESECHE definitivamente el proyecto minero Caballo Blanco; de los gobiernos municipales directamente involucrados, es decir de los Ayuntamientos de Actopan y Alto Lucero, les exigimos que no emitan ningún permiso o licencia municipales a la empresa minera; al Gobierno del Estado le solicitamos que en aras de la transparencia y rendición de cuentas, de a conocer públicamente la opinión que emitió a la SEMARNAT, a través de la SEDEMA, con base en la cual no avala el proyecto minero referido.
7.- Seguimos además convocando a todos los ciudadanos, organizaciones, comunidad nacional e internacional y representantes populares, a blindar a Veracruz contra la industria minera toxica, a que sigan pronunciando su rechazo y sobretodo, a que no bajemos la guardia hasta que la empresa minera se haya ido de nuestro territorio.
FORO: MINERÍA EN SANTUARIOS Y REGIONES CULTURALES DE AMÉRICA LATINA
Published September 4, 2011 ACTION Leave a CommentTags: América Latina, Autonomía, Autonomía indígena, Autonomy, Black Fire, Black Fire Exploration, Canada, Canadian mining, Consejo Regional Wixarika, Derechos Humanos, Frente Amplio Opositor a la Minera San Xavier, Gilberto López y Rivas, Human Rights, Indigenous autonomy, Indigenous communities, indigenous peoples, indigenous resistance, indigenous rights, Latin America, Latinoamérica, México, Minera San Xavier, Mining companies, mining industry, Oaxaca, pueblos indígenas, pueblos indígenas de México, Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería, Resistance, RESISTENCIA, resistencia indígena, TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS, Transnational mining companies, Wirikuta, Wixárika
MIÉRCOLES 7 DE SEPTIEMBRE
LUGAR: PISO 14 TORRE 2 DE HUMANIDADES
– Antrop. Gilberto López y Rivas
– Comisariado de Bienes Comunales de Capulalpam, Sierra Juárez, Oax.
– Periodista Gloria Muñoz Ramírez
– M.C. Salvador y Juan Trasviña-Medio Ambiente y Sociedad-B.C.S.JUEVES 8 DE SEPTIEMBRE
LUGAR: Auditorio Bassols, FACULTAD DE ECONOMÍA
– Frente Amplio Opositor a la Minera San Xavier
– Alianza Pachamama, Uruguay
– Antrop. Claudio Garibay Orozco-CIGA-UNAM, Morelia
– Coordinadora Regional de Autoridades Comunitarias, Gro.VIERNES 9 DE SEPTIEMBRE
LUGAR: AULA MAGNA, FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA Y LETRAS
– Econ. Pablo Dávalos-PUCE, Ecuador
– Consejo Regional Wixarika-AJAGI
– Antrop. Arturo Gutiérrez del Ángel-COLSAN
– Colectivo Oaxaqueño en Defensa de los Territorios
http://latinoamericanos.posgrado.unam.mx/
http://www.facebook.com/Estudios.LatinoamericanosLaboratorio de Análisis de Organizaciones y Movimientos Sociales-Centro de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias en Ciencias Sociales, UNAM.
http://telematica.politicas.unam.mx/LAOMS/laoms.html
http://www.facebook.com/LAOMS.2Red Nacional de Jóvenes Indígenas México (RENJI)
http://www.renjimexicoac.com/
http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1809396924
Caravana Estudiantil Ricardo Zavala
http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100001493577195
Frente Amplio Opositor a la Minera San Xavier (FAO)
http://faoantimsx.blogspot.com/
https://www.facebook.com/FAO.FrenteAmplioOpositor
Frente en Defensa de Wirikuta Tamatsima Wahaa
http://frenteendefensadewirikuta.org/wirikuta/
Analysis: Hidden Hegemony: Canadian Mining In Latin America.
Published July 28, 2011 DENUNCIA Leave a CommentTags: América Latina, Argentina, Brasil, Canada, canadian mining company, Chile, Derechos Humanos, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, gold mining, Goldcorp, Guatemala, Honduras, Human Rights, Latin America, México, Mining companies, mining industry, NAFTA, Pacific Rim Mining Corp, Peru, PUEBLO, Radio Victoria, Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería, Resistance, RESISTENCIA, resistencia indígena, TRANSNACIONALES MINERAS, Transnational mining companies, Xstrata
Canada’s mining industry is the largest in the world, and in 2004 its world market share accounted for 60 percent of all mining companies. In fact, the entire Latin American region is second only to Canada in terms of the breadth of its mining exploration and development activity.[i] In what some call the “halo effect,” Canadian industries have been perceived as the more conscientious alternative to their U.S. equivalents. Since Canadian industries are understood to have socially responsible practices, especially in contrast to those of American companies, they are typically welcomed abroad.[ii] Nonetheless, recent accusations that the Canadian mining company Pacific Rim played a role in the death squad killings of anti-mining activists in El Salvador has brought this reputation into question, while further investigation into the Canadian government’s regulation reveals that the government has mandated no true restrictions on its industry’s mining practices abroad. Left to its own accord, the Canadian mining industry has no problem destroying landscapes, uprooting communities, and even resorting to violence to promote its interests; for this reason, only government regulation can affect true change. A recent move by the Peruvian government to protect citizens near the city of Puno demonstrates that Latin American governments may finally be willing and able to regulate Canadian mining companies operating within their nations.
The Evolution of Canadian Mining in Latin America
In the period from 1990 to 2001, mineral investment in Latin America increased by 400 percent, and by 2005, the region was receiving 23 percent of total worldwide exploration investments. The Canadian mining industry’s share of the Latin American market is the largest of any country, at 34 percent in 2004.[iii] However, even with a substantial flow of Canadian investment in the mining sectors of these countries, living standards have not tangibly improved for those in proximity of the mines, despite the image portrayed by the mining industry.
For a large part of the 20th century, the majority of the mineral wealth in Latin America was government property. Beginning in the 1980′s, the regional shift to neo-liberalism also saw the transfer of state property to transnational corporations. [iv] The immediate entry of the Canadian mining industry into the Latin American market corresponds with this neo-liberal shift. The Canadian government used various means to facilitate and promote the Canadian mining industry’s entry into the region including funds from the World Bank, IMF and incentives provided by Canadian foreign policy initiatives themselves. Since the 1980s, structural adjustment programs implemented in Latin America have opened the region’s markets to incentivize investment from the world’s wealthiest nations. Canada has been a particularly vocal advocate of these measures, hoping to expand its economic interests in Latin America. [v]
Canada also promotes its economic reach in Latin America through Free Trade Agreements. In addition to its leadership role in NAFTA, Canada has established Free Trade Agreements or Foreign Investment Protection Agreements with many Latin American states, and has been a principal proponent of the Free Trade Area of the Americas.[vi] Canada’s Free Trade Agreement with Peru allowed the country to become Canada’s third-largest trading partner in Latin America by 2007.[vii] This increase is largely attributed to the rising price of mineral resources, especially since, “Gold and other precious metals constituted more than 53 percent of Peruvian exports to Canada in 2007.”[viii]
The Canadian government’s most controversial means of promoting its mining interests in Latin America is through foreign aid. Under the pretext of foreign aid, the Canadian International Development Agency or CIDA awarded Peru with a CAD 9.6 million, USD 6.2 million[ix] investment to the Mineral Resource Reform Project in a move meant to promote Canadian mining interests in the nation.[x]
One Canadian Mining Company’s Response to Resistance
Canadian mining companies often resort to extreme measures to promote their interests. The Canadian government has failed to regulate its mining industry abroad, but accusations that Pacific Rim, a mining company based in Vancouver, played a role in the deaths of anti-mining reporters in El Salvador demonstrates the extent of destruction that mining can reach in the region when left unchecked. In a July 12, 2011 statement, Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont condemned the killings of anti-mining activists in El Salvador following the June 14, 2011 discovery of Juan Francisco Duran Ayala’s body; he was last seen posting flyers critical of gold mining in the region. His death is the most recent of numerous violent attacks against anti-mining activists in the country’s Cabañas region. [xi] In 2010, three anti-mining activists in the region were gunned down, after receiving numerous death threats citing their activism regarding the El Dorado mine in El Salvador. As a result, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights demanded that the Salvadoran government protect the rights of journalists and the media. [xii]
One radio station in El Salvador, Radio Victoria, reports receiving death threats as well as threats on family members unless they curb their anti-mining expression.[xiii] Reporters without Borders described the station’s critical role, saying, “For nearly a decade, Radio Victoria has been the mouthpiece of local communities and environmental activists opposed to the mining operations of Vancouver-based Pacific Rim Mining Corp. The station has played a key role in providing the local population with information about the dangers that the mining poses to their health and even their survival.”[xiv] Given Radio Victoria’s strong anti-mining stance, one reporter said, “We don’t trust the men who are protecting us. The mining company has connections with the local authorities. I don’t trust the local police.”[xv] The Prosecutor General’s Office is in charge of this investigation, but despite the national and international attention surrounding the events, no report was issued as of June 2011.[xvi] The failure to produce any real answers surrounding these threats and murders suggests that Pacific Rim’s influence may reach beyond local death squads to the Salvadoran government.
The Negative Effects of Canadian Mining Around the World
Canadian industries operating abroad have always benefitted from positive perceptions of the nation’s practices resulting from the aforementioned “halo effect.”[xvii] However, in truth, Canadian mining often has drastic consequences for local environments and communities; thus, recent activities, in reality, stand to dampen this image. Across the globe, Canadian mining companies destroy landscapes, contaminate the environment, and disturb the lives of locals. Meanwhile, the Canadian government does little, if anything, to hold these companies accountable for their exploits. In effect, environmental groups recognize that Canadian mining firms are “just as bad as the most ruthless of American companies.”[xviii]
To illustrate, one Canadian gold mining company, Goldcorp, maintains mines in the following Latin America nations: Mexico, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. Goldcorp represents just one of the many Canadian mining companies in Latin America, yet its mines have been associated with numerous infractions, including the destruction of archaeological sites, acid mine drainage, water resource depletion in drought-prone areas, polluting water resources with copper and iron, high levels of arsenic and lead in local inhabitants, mercury poisoning, pipeline bursts, and disregarding the pleas of locals.[xix]
The Effects of Mining on the Environment
Depletion of water resources and contamination are the principal negative ramifications of mining, in addition to physical destruction. Mining companies often forcibly monopolize water resources, as many mining techniques require large amounts of water. As a result, local communities are left with a profound shortage or impaired quality of water. For example, Goldcorp’s Marlin mine in Guatemala uses approximately 2,175,984,000 liters per year compared to the 153,300 used by an average North American citizen or the average 13,505 liters used by an African citizen.[xx] The problem is exacerbated in areas that receive as little as 150 mm of rainfall per year such as northwest Argentina, where the joint venture Alumbrera mine operated by Goldcorp, Xstrata and Northern Orion depletes the already precarious water supply, leaving locals in desperation.[xxi]
Water pollution has a more detrimental and long-lasting effect on the environment than water depletion. Acid Mine Drainage (AMD), the most common form of mining contamination, occurs when sulfides housed in the rock are exposed to air during excavation, forming sulfuric acid. This acid runs off into nearby streams and lakes, polluting the surrounding watershed. The acid dissolves other heavy metals it encounters such as copper, lead, arsenic, zinc, selenium and mercury, which further pollute the surface and ground water of the region.[xxii] AMD can continue for thousands of years after the mine is closed, as illustrated by a 2,000-year-old mine in Great Britain that continues to produce AMD today. Goldcorp mines have been associated with AMD in four Latin American countries: Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and Argentina.[xxiii]
Cyanide, used to extract gold and silver from the surrounding rock, makes large-scale processing possible, but when released into the environment, it can have serious consequences. On average, 70 tons of waste is created in the processing of 1 ounce of gold. At Goldcorp’s San Martín mine in Honduras, an average of .78 ounces of gold is extracted from every ton of ore, and an enormous amount of rock must be moved. When chemically treated rock and ore, known as ‘mine tailings,’ spill during transport, the water supply can become contaminated with cyanide.[xxiv] Though mining companies report that cyanide is broken down by sunlight and transformed into a nontoxic form, it frequently harms, or even kills, aquatic life.[xxv] At the La Coipa mine in Chile, a former Goldcorp holding, mercury as well as cyanide was discovered in groundwater as a result of mine seepage. Blood samples taken from the local community population near Goldcorp’s San Martín mine in Honduras registered high levels of mercury, lead and arsenic.[xxvi]
False Hope and Canadian Bill C-300
The Canadian mining industry’s operations in Latin America have unquestionably harmed the surrounding environments and communities and influenced the policies of the host nations.[xxvii] Despite this, the Canadian government refuses to enforce any type of human rights regulations outside of Canadian territory; instead, the government supports the mining industry both financially and politically regardless of its practices. Several enlightened segments of the Canadian government took a stand against the government’s policy with respect to foreign mining practices, but to no avail. The parliamentary Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs and International Trade issued a report calling for reforms regarding mining in foreign countries. However, the government responded stating that no precedent for prosecuting or regulating practices outside of the Canadian territory currently exists. The government established a round-table to address the issue, viewed by many critics as an ineffective stalling tactic. [xxviii]
Canadian Bill C-300, also known as the Responsible Mining Bill, provided a glimmer of hope for increased accountability of Canadian mining industry practices in the developing world. The bill would have ensured compliance with the stringent international environmental practices the Canadian government claims to uphold, as well as reaffirmed Canada’s commitment to human rights. Additionally, the bill would have outlined environmental standards for the Canadian extractive industry, provisions for grievances to be brought before the ministers of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, and public reporting of any dismissed complaint in the Canada Gazette.[xxix] According to Bill C-300, any government funding for Canadian extractive companies abroad would be contingent upon compliance with the aforementioned standards and would require confirmation by the local Canadian embassy. C-300 was the legal apparatus to ensure acceptable practices by Canadian mining firms abroad. Although C-300 passed on the second reading in 2009, the bill ultimately failed to pass the final vote in the House of Commons on October 27, 2010.[xxx] This was an unfortunate victory for the Canadian mining industry, and was yet another sign that the current Conservative government does not support human rights and environmental health, at least not when Canada’s extractive industry could see its profit margin adversely affected in any way.
However, the government holds that it does in fact support human rights in developing nations through the controversial IMF and World Bank structural adjustments plans.[xxxi] In spite of Canada’s rather flattering reputation for high moral standards, at least in comparison to the U.S., Canada’s support for human rights appears quite dubious at times. Ottawa refused to sign the United Nations’ Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples that requires consent from indigenous groups before any projects can commence on their land. Canada, along with Australia, called for revision, which significantly slowed the process and ultimately blocked its passage. [xxxii] The failure of this declaration was a certain victory for the Canadian mining industry in Latin America, which conducts its business almost exclusively on inhabited territory.
Nearly all new mine locations are located either on inhabited lands or close to established communities. Given the almost certain environmental degradation and pollution associated with mines, as well as the possible disruption in game and foul patterns, local communities tend to oppose mining. Though permission is technically required from indigenous communities before exploration or mining can begin on their lands, this is often a mere formality that does not even remotely protect the interests of the community. Because of this, mining is a persistent source of conflict in the region, pitting local and indigenous communities against large Canadian mining companies.[xxxiii]
Responses to Canadian Mining
Latin American resistance appears inevitable given the contradiction between the government’s policies and the citizens’ sentiments. Many Latin American citizens express little confidence in the private sector’s management of mineral extraction industries.[xxxiv] Local communities typically bear the brunt of mining cost, while profits are carted off to foreign headquarters of the mining company, leaving only a fractional percentage of profits within the capital or other major cities of the host nation. Since neither the Canadian government nor the respective national governments protect the rights of local community members, these communities are forced to stand up for themselves through protests and blockades.
Changing Times– One Latin American Country Turns Feisty and Stands up to Mining
Despite the efforts of Canadian mining companies to go to unacceptable lengths to ensure their interests seemingly at any cost, recent action taken by the Peruvian government may demonstrate a change in policy with regard to the Andean nation’s support of Canadian mining companies. In 2007, the Peruvian government granted a concession to the Canadian company Bear Creek Mining for rights to land near Puno, on the shore of Lake Titicaca. In early May of this year, protests broke out in the Puno region, demanding a halt to mining exploration and a revocation of the concession. Originally, protesters were relatively peaceful, blocking the Bolivian border crossing and other highways. However, in late May the protests turned violent, and participants began torching government buildings and threatening to interfere with the June 5 presidential election. The García government responded by putting a hold on all new concessions for twelve months, but this was not enough for the protesters; they later blockaded more roads and spread unrest throughout the entire Puno region, threatening other industries there as well. The government decided to revoke Bear Creek’s concession, despite outrage expressed on behalf of the company. Unfortunately, this decision was not made until the police fired on a group of protesters headed toward the Juliaca airport.[xxxv]
This decision by the Peruvian government symbolized a decisive victory for local interests and demonstrated a shift in government policy. Until recently, Peruvian government policy mechanically supported economic interests over those of its citizens. This policy shift was likely invigorated as a result of the June 5 presidential election, in which the left-leaning populist Ollanta Humala was elected. In the Puno department, Humala, a champion of rights and economic prosperity for all Peruvians, won the election decisively with 78 percent of the vote, the largest margin of all 26 of Peru’s departments.[xxxvi]
Conclusion
Canada, a country with a supposed commitment to environmental health and human rights, has the largest extractive industry presence in Latin America. Nevertheless, the Canadian government refuses to take any action when its extractive industry’s practices fail to guarantee an accord with the country’s broader allegiances to ethical practices abroad. Unchecked mining in Latin America has grievous repercussions for the environment and the populations in surrounding areas. However, given the large political and economic influence that the Canadian extractive industry wields, even at times resorting to violence, Latin American governments often neglect the best interests of their citizens and environment when they act to join forces with foreign multinationals against their own citizens. Fortunately, this trend seems to be changing, as seen with the Peruvian government’s revocation of Bear Creek Mining’s concession amidst the uproar from local communities. Sadly, this movement turned violent before the government reacted in the name of its own citizens. For this reason, it is imperative that Ottawa hold its industries accountable to some approximation of environmental and human rights standards, both at home and abroad.
References for this article can be found here.
About the author:
COHA, or Council on Hemispheric Affairs, was founded in 1975, the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), a nonprofit, tax-exempt independent research and information organization, was established to promote the common interests of the hemisphere, raise the visibility of regional affairs and increase the importance of the inter-American relationship, as well as encourage the formulation of rational and constructive U.S. policies towards Latin America.
[1][i.] Gordon, Todd and Webber, Jeffery R. ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 70
[1][ii.] Derek Abma, “Our halo is wearing thin amid business scandals,” Vancouver Sun, July 1, 2011, accessed July 5, 2011, http://www.vancouversun.com/story_print.html?id=5034584&sponsor=.
[1][iii.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 72
[1][iv.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 67-8
[1][v.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 66
[1][vi.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1,
[1][vii.] Stephen J. Randall, “Canada, the Caribbean and Latin America: Trade, Investment and Political Challenges,” Canadian International Council, accessed July 7, 2011, http://www.opencanada.org/wp- content/uploads/2011/05/Canada-the-Caribbean-and-Latin-America_-Trade-Investment-and- Political-Challenges-Stephen-J.-Randall.pdf.
[1][viii.] Ibid.
[1][ix.] “Historical Exchange Rates,” Accessed July 8, 2011, Oanda.com, http://www.oanda.com/currency/historical- rates/.
[1][x.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 69
[1][xi.] “Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy On Violence Against Antimining Activists In El Salvador,” Accessed July 21, 2011, The Office of Senator Patrick Healy, http://leahy.senate.gov/press/press_releases/release/?id=e29a4642-bd56-46e1- bda8- 94799fff9e53
[1][xii.]Edgardo Ayala. ” Radio Station under Threat in Mining Region,” Accessed July, 21, 2011, Inter Press Service, http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=56111
[1][xiii.] Ibid.
[1][xiv.] Ibid.
[1][xv.] Ibid.
[1][xvi.] Ibid.
[1][xvii.] Derek Abma, “Our halo is wearing thin amid business scandals,” Vancouver Sun, July 1, 2011, accessed July 5, 2011, http://www.vancouversun.com/story_print.html?id=5034584&sponsor=.
[1][xviii.] Ibid.
[1][xix.] “Investing in Conflict, Public Money, Private Gain: Goldcorp in the Americas,” Rights Action, Accessed June 22, 2011, http://www.rightsaction.org/Reports/research.pdf.
[1][xx.] Ibid.
[1][xi.] Ibid.
[1][xii.] Ibid.
[1][xiii.] Ibid.
[1][xiv.] Ibid.
[1][xv.] Ibid.
[1][xvi.] Ibid.
[1][xvii.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 64
[1][xviii.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 69
[1][xxix.] Joan Russow, “Canada Day 2011: 100 Reasons to Not Celebrate,” Pacific Free Press, July 1, 2011, Accessed July 7, 2011, http://www.pacificfreepress.com/news/1-/9099-100-reasons-to-not- celebrate-canada-day.html.
[1][xxx.] Ibid.
[1][xxxi.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 70
[1][xxxii.] Ibid.
[1][xxxiii.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 68
[1][xxxiv.] Todd Gordon and Jeffery R. Webber, ‘Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America’, Third World Quarterly, 29:1, 72
[1][xxxv.] Lucien Chauvin, ” Peru’s Airport Siege: A Bad Omen for the New President,” Time, June 27, 2011, Accessed July 7, 2011, http://www.time.com/time/world/article /0,8599,2079964,00.html#ixzz1RWaxRMv0.
[1][xxxvi] Ibid.
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http://www.eurasiareview.com/hidden-hegemony-canadian-mining-in-latin-america-analysis-28072011/
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